THE EUROPEAN MARCHING SONG

"COMRADES, THE VOICES OF THE DEAD BATTALIONS,
OF THOSE WHO FELL THAT EUROPE MIGHT BE GREAT,
JOIN IN OUR SONG
FOR THEY STILL MARCH IN SPIRIT WITH US
AND URGE US ON TO GAIN THE UNION STATE

WE'RE OF THEIR BLOOD AND SPIRIT OF THEIR SPIRIT,
SPRUNG FROM THAT SOIL FOR WHOSE DEAR SAKE THEY BLED;
'GAINST VESTED POWERS, RED FRONT AND MASSED RANKS OF REACTION,
WE LEAD THE FIGHT FOR FREEDOM AND FOR BREAD.

THE STREETS ARE STILL, THE FINAL STRUGGLE'S ENDED,
FLUSHED WITH THE FIGHT, WE PROUDLY HAIL THE DAWN;
SEE OVER ALL THE STREETS THE UNION BANNERS WAVING,
TRIUMPHANT STANDARD OF A RACE REBORN"

(above: Sir Oswald Mosley speaks at the first public meeting in Trafalgar Square in 1962 after the foundation of the National Party of Europe)

THE EUROPEAN DECLARATION AT VENICE, March 1st, 1962

We, being Europeans conscious of a tradition which derives from classic Greece and Rome, and of a civilisation which during three thousand years has given thought, beauty, science and leadership to mankind, and feeling for each other the close relationship of a great family whose quarrels in the past have proved the heroism of our peoples but whose division in the future would threaten the life of our continent with the same destruction which extinguished the genius of Hellas and led to the triumph of alien values, now declare with pride our European communion of blood and of spirit in the following urgent and practical proposals of our new generation which challenge present policies of division, delay and subservience to the destructive materialism of external powers before which the splendour of our history, the power of our economy, the nobility of our traditions and the inspiration of our ideals must never be surrendered:
(1) That Europe a Nation shall forthwith be made a fact. This means that Europe shall have a common government for purposes of foreign policy, defence, economic policy, finance and scientific development. It does not mean Americanisation by a complete mixture of the European peoples which is neither desirable nor possible.
(2) That European government shall be elected by free vote of the whole people of Europe every four years at elections which all parties may enter. This vote shall be expressed in the election of a parliament which will have power to select the government and at any time to dismiss it by vote of censure carried by a two-thirds majority. Subject to this power of dismissal, government shall have full authority to act during its period of office in order to meet the fast moving events of the new age of science and to carry out the will of the people as expressed by their majority vote.
(3) That national parliaments in each member country of Europe a Nation shall have full power over all social and cultural problems, subject only to the overriding power of European Government in finance and its other defined spheres, in particular the duty of economic leadership.
(4) That the economic leadership of government shall be exercised by means of the wage-price mechanism, first to secure similar conditions of fair competition in similar industries by payment of the same wages, salaries, pensions and fair profits as science increases the means of production for an assured market, thus securing continual equilibrium between production and consumption, eliminating slump and unemployment and progressively raising the standard of life. Capital and credit shall be made available to the underdeveloped regions of Europe from the surplus at present expatriated from our continent.
(5) That intervention by government at the three key points of wages, prices, where monopoly conditions prevail and the long term purchase of agricultural and other primary products alone is necessary to create the third system of a producers' state in conditions of a free society which will be superior both to rule by finance under American capitalism or rule by bureaucracy under communist tyranny. It is at all times our duty in the solidarity of the European community to assist each other to combat the destruction of European life and values from without and from within by the overt and covert attack of communism.
(6) That industries already nationalised will be better conducted by workers' ownership or syndicalism than by state bureaucracy, but the system of the wage-price mechanism will, in full development, make irrelevant the question of the ownership of industry by reason of the decisive economic leadership of elected government, and will bring such prosperity that workers will have no interest in controversies which belong to the 19th century.
(7) With the creation of Europe a Nation as a third power strong enough to maintain peace, a primary object of the European government will be to secure the immediate and simultaneous withdrawal of both Russian and American forces from the occupied territories and military bases of Europe. Europe must be as strongly armed as America or Russia until mutual disarmament can be secured by the initiative of an European leadership which will have no reason to fear economic problems caused by disarmament as has capitalist America, nor to desire the force of arms for purposes of imperialist aggression as does communist Russia.
(8) The emergence of Europe as a third great power will bring to an end the political and military power of UNO, because these three great powers will then be able to deal directly and effectively with each other. The peace of the world can best be maintained by direct and continuous contact between these three great powers which represent reality instead of illusion and hypocrisy. The production of nuclear weapons will be confined to these three great powers until mutual disarmament can be secured.
(9) Colonialism shall be brought to an end. A way will be found to maintain or to create in Africa states under government of non-European but African origin amounting to about two-thirds of the continent, and other states under government by peoples of European and Afrikaner origin amounting to about one-third. In non-European territory, any European who chose to remain should stay without vote or political rights. He would be in the same position as any resident in another country, subject to the maintenance of human rights within their own communities, by reciprocal arrangement between European and non-European territories. Conversely, any non-European remaining in European territory would have neither vote nor political rights, subject to the maintenance of the same basic human rights. Multi-racial government breaks down everywhere in face of the non-European demand for one man one vote which they learnt from the West and becomes a squalid swindle of loaded franchises to postpone the day of surrender rather than to solve the problem. Better by far is the clean settlement of clear division. Europe must everywhere decide what it will hold and what it will relinquish. The Europeans in union will have the power of decision. Today they lack only the will. We will hold what is vital to the life of Europe, and we will in all circumstances be true to our fellow-Europeans, particularly where they are now threatened in African territory.
(10) The space of a fully united Europe including the lands to be liberated by American and Russian withdrawal, the British Dominions and other European overseas territories, and approximately one-third of Africa is a just requirement for tile full life of the Europeans in a producer and consumer system which shall be free of usury and capitalism, of anarchy and communism. Within the wide region of our nation the genius of modern science shall join with the culture of three millennia to attain ever higher forms of European life which shall continue to be the inspiration of mankind.

NATIONAL PARTY OF EUROPE
THE name agreed by Conference to be recommended by the parties represented at the Conference is "National Party of Europe" in English, "Nationale Partei Europas" in German, "Partie Nationale Europeene" in French and "Partitro Nation-ale Europa" in Italian. It will be noted that in Britain and Germany the party will have the same initials N.P.E. and in the other countries will have the same letters. As stated, the representatives of Britain, Germany and Belgium agreed at once to ask their parties to change their names accordingly.
It was stressed that wherever the name National Party of Europe is used in any language, underneath should be written in smaller letters the words "Progress - Solidarity - Unity". It was agreed that we should never permit ourselves to be misrepresented by our opponents as a policy of reaction. On the contrary our policy is far in advance of any other policy before the European peoples today.
For years we have emphasised in the policy of our movements that we combine the great principles of patriotism and of progress. Our principles are a synthesis at a higher level of the conflict between patriotism and progress in the policies of the old parties. So we are the National Party of Europe with the principles of Progress - Solidarity - Unity.

THE SYMBOL OF THE MOVEMENT
The question of symbols for the National Party of Europe was discussed. As symbols are not used in Germany and Italy in the way we use them here, the questions of symbols in those countries was left in abeyance. On the other hand, our symbol, the Flash and Circle is much used by our Movement in Britain, and the Celtic Cross is much used by Jeune Europe and M.A.C. in Belgium. It was finally agreed between us that we should both use simply the Flash. Our badge means the flash of action in the circle of union. We feel now that in the National Party of Europe the long fight to achieve unity has been achieved. We now need the action.
The Celtic Cross can be seen everywhere in Belgium, others elsewhere have imitated it. But we are most of us not Celts, who are the people living on the periphery, the edges of Europe and Great Britain. We British are mostly of Saxon, Norman and Viking, descent. Most Belgians are of similar origin. On the Continent, also, what we call the Flash is similar to the letter "5", which stands for "Solidarity". So we will both concentrate on the Flash which stands for both "Action" and "Solidarity".

MOSLEY SPEAKS AT THE EARLS COURT PEACE RALLY 1939

The uniform had been abolished, but there stood Mosley in a dark suit, black shirt and tie. He marched down the centre aisle unescorted, and as he did so the cheers began to rise, developing and expanding until I thought the roof would come down! This was the man upon whom we had pinned our hopes, the man who could save our country and Empire, and lift our people from poverty and demoralisation to ever greater heights!
He made his way towards the most unusual plinth upon which he was to speak, a sort of boom projecting into the auditorium. The people were shouting and cheering, and just going mad. He raised his hand, and slowly ... silence. Then he began. I think it was the finest speech he ever delivered. At many points he had to stop speaking because of the wave of applause.
Mosley's great theme was peace, but he also addressed the other issues which had dominated his 7-year crusade in British Union, notably the power of international finance.

‘We have shown over and over again in infinite detail how the money and credit of the British people, created by the exertions of the British people and by no other force on earth, has been used for their own destruction in the equipment of the Orient with its sweated labour to undercut and to destroy the West; in order that usury, international usury, may draw its dividends and its interest by destroying the country of its origin through the equipment of our world-wide competitors against us. We have shown again and again how the British Empire, as well as the British people, the British industrialist and the British worker, has been relentlessly sacrificed to this international power; how the whole of our international trading system, how our conflicting party system, and our foreign policy above all, is maintained for one reason and for one reason alone – that the money power of the world may rule the British people and through them may rule mankind.’

From John Charnley's "Blackshirts and Roses"

THE POST-WAR IDEA

British fascism is now consigned to the history of the 1920s and 1930s. When Mosley emerged in the post-war era he redefined his political position as a consequence of the "brothers' war" of 1939-45. Fascism, he said, was a unique phenomenon of the inter-war years organised to meet the conditions of those two decades. After 1945, the world had changed to such a degree that the narrow nationalism of fascism had become obsolete.
The war had proved one thing. The nations of Europe should never go to war again but should unite in the brotherhood of one nation in order to avoid future conflicts. A consequence of that war was the loss of the British Empire and the rise of the two super-powers, America and Russia, then locked in the Cold War.
The British Empire had constituted a vast economic area on which British Union had based its ideas of an Insulated Empire Policy. The way out of international competition by which the financial power had exploited national divisions was the creation of an insulated economy and that could only be achieved within a vast geographical area.
The new "empire" was to be Europe, along with the White Dominions and parts of South America. The alternative was to be a satellite of America in constant fear of Soviet aggression. This new union was to be called EUROPE A NATION.
By 1948, Mosley had transcended both fascism and the old-style democracy in a new synthesis, which he called "European Socialism" ... not to be confused with the "socialism" of Leftist internationalism.
He wrote then, "Let us turn from the old internationalism,which always failed, and the old nationalism which is now obsolete, to the new idea of Europe a Nation".
The fascism of the 1930s had two major weaknesses. Firstly, in the desire for dynamic state action it tended to ride rough-shod over civil liberties and, secondly, its vigorous nationalistic nature could place it in a confrontational position with immediate neighbours.
Mosley recognised those defects in the fascist creed and, without rejecting the need for fascism before the war, went beyond those ideas in a synthesis of conflicting principles.
The need for the state to act in order to solve the problems of the day was reconciled with the need for civil liberties to be respected. This was the achievement of his new European idea.
It should also be borne in mind that Mosley's fascism in the 1930s reflected a very British attitude, quite different to the fascism of Italy. National temperaments inevitably play a role in politics, along with traditions, cultures and social mores.
If anything, Mosley personified the quintessential Englishman.
Mosley emerged from the second European war with a new vision of a lasting peace much the same way he did in 1918.

From "Sir Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists" by Robert Edwards

EUROPE A NATION
by Oswald Mosley in “Europe: Faith and Plan”

EUROPE a Nation is an idea which anyone can understand. It is simple but should not on that account be rejected; most decisive, root ideas are simple. Ask any child what is a nation? He will probably reply, a nation has a government. And in fact this is the right answer, for the first thing to note about a nation is that it is a country consisting of a people with their own government. Many deeper reflections naturally follow; questions of geography, race, history, which contributed to the evolution of this fact, a people with a government which is a nation. But the simple, decisive point which defines a nation, is that it has a government. That is why the dividing question of modern Europe is whether or not we desire a European government. It is the purpose of this book to answer, yes. And in the end all will find it necessary to make up their minds on which side of this question they stand.
In the end the only way to get great things done is to do things in a great way. If we meet a vital necessity with a clear decisive idea which everyone can understand and which evokes a high ideal, the people will respond directly they see the necessity, understand the plan, and feel the appeal of a moving cause. That is why in life it is often easier to get great things done than to get small things managed. In a supreme moment, like the wars of the past, the peoples of Europe were capable of every exertion and of every sacrifice. There is now a real need to evoke the same fervent spirit for a decisive act, not of destruction but of construction, for a work not of division and death, but of union and life. This can only be done by an idea which is clear, and an idea which is great. Europe a Nation alone can awaken the vital response of the peoples.
If the countries of the West are certain to be confronted on world markets with a competition they cannot face, what is the remedy? The only possible answer is to withdraw from world markets into a viable economy, which is large enough to contain its own essential supplies and to provide its own markets. The only one available is Europe-Africa. South America is a conceivable economic alternative to Africa, but no one in the West can afford to leave a vacuum in Africa to be filled by communism, and a too close economic tie-up between Europe and South America can create political difficulties with North America which it is in the interests of the whole West to avoid. South America would appear to be rather a meeting ground for both the economics and the cultures of Europe and America. So the creation of a Europe-African economy with considerable speed is now vital to the life of Europe.
The civilisation we intend to create must be durable and humane. This means that the Blacks cannot be subjected to the Whites in Africa, and exploited as a pool of cheap, inferior labour. There is plenty of room for both White and Black in Africa, which is still relatively an empty continent. There is ample room for two nations, each with access to the necessary wealth for a full life and a high standard. But they must be separate nations if we are not to revert to the sweating and exploitation of the old colonialism. Whatever illusory guarantees of political liberty are given to backward peoples - even if the resistance of the White population to being in a numerical minority could be overcome, and it cannot be surmounted without the force which none are prepared to use - the less advanced peoples will in practical experience again become the bondsmen of the more advanced, if they live among them. An endless heritage of racial hatred will be the result, culminating in an explosion which will be repressed with bloodshed. So it is necessary to create two nations in Africa, and no one can claim that the necessary space or wealth of potential foodstuffs and raw material are not there. Again, this is a task which is out of the question for the weak individual nations of Europe, but by no means beyond the strength and power of a united Europe.
From every sphere of enquiry we return to our original questions: how can something so big as Europe-Africa be made at all without European Government; how can it be done without European Government in the short time available which is certainly much less than the fifteen years now believed to be necessary to make even the common European market; and what hope is there of anything short of a united Europe with a Europe-African economy providing a solution for the economic problems now facing the nations of Western Europe? Something so big cannot be done with such speed without real unity. And real unity now means the European Government of Europe a Nation. We must now think, feel, act as Europeans.